மும்பை பயங்கரவாத தாக்குதலை எதிர்த்து தேசமே ஒரு குரலில் பேசும்போது பா.ஜ.க. மட்டும் பாகிஸ்தானுக்கு ஆதரவாக பேசுகின்றது. டிசம்பர் ௨0 தேதியிட்ட த ஹிந்து ஆங்கில நாளிதழில் வந்த செய்தியை பாருங்கள்.
"ஒன்பது வருடங்களுக்கு முன்னர்பா.ஜ.க. ஆட்சியில் நடந்த விமான கடத்தலில் ஈடுபட்ட பாகிஸ்தான் பயங்கரவாதிகளை கந்தகாருக்கு அழைத்து சென்று ஒப்படைத்தது போல் போன்ற ஒரு சூழ்நிலை ஏற்பட்டால் மீண்டும் அதே மாதிரி அப்பயங்கர வாதிகளை அழைத்து செல்வேன் என பா.ஜ.க. வின் மூத்த தலைவரும் அன்று பயங்கர வாதிகளை அழைத்துசென்றவருமான ஜஸ்வந்த் சிங் தெரிவித்தார். அவரின் இக்கருத்தை பா.ஜ.க.வின் மற்றொரு தலைவர் கோபிநாத் முண்டே ஆதரித்தார் "
ஆனால் மும்பையில் ஐயத்துக்கிடமான வகையில் கொல்லப்பட்ட ஹேமந்த் கர்கறேவின் கொலை தொடர்பாக விசாரணை வேண்டும் என்று கோரிக்கை விடுத்த நடுவண் அமைச்சர ஏ,ஆர்.அந்துலே பா.ஜ.க., சிவசேனை போன்ற பாசிச கட்சிகளினால் குறிவைக்கப்படுவது மட்டுமில்லாமல் அவரின் மீது பாகிஸ்தானின் கைக்கூலி என சேறு வாரி இறைக்கப்படுகிறது . அவரும் தனது பதவி விலகல் கடிதத்தை மன்மோகன் சிங்குக்குக்கு அனுப்பிவிட்டார். காங்கிரஸ் மேலிடமோ அந்துலேயின் கருத்துக்கள் குறித்து அதிருப்தியை அடைந்துள்ளது. ஆனால் விமான கடத்தலை ஊக்குவிக்கும் பா.ஜ.க. வின் பாலோ மிக மென்மையாக நடந்துகொள்கிறது.
பாசிச எதிர்ப்பு உணர்வலைகளின் மூலம் ஆட்சியில் அமர்ந்திருக்கும் காங்கிரஸ் கூட்டணி அரசு தற்சமயம் பா.ஜ.க. இழுக்கும் இழுப்புக்கெல்லாம் இழுபடுகின்றது. நிதித்துறையில் தோல்வி அடைந்த ப.சிதம்பரம் தனக்கு முந்தி உள்துறை பொறுப்பு வகித்த சிவராஜ் பாட்டீலை விட பாசிசத்திற்கு நெருக்கமானவராக காட்சி தருகிறார். போடா ,தடா போன்ற ஆள் தூக்கி சட்டங்களை கொண்டு வந்துள்ளார். இந்த ஆள் தூக்கி சட்டமானது துப்பாக்கி, குண்டு மூலம் நடத்தப்படும் ஆள்கொலைகளையும்
மட்டுமே பயங்கரவாதம் என கணக்கில் எடுக்கும். ஹிந்து பாசிசம் கொடுவாள், திரிசூலம் ,கத்தி,ஈட்டி கொண்டு செய்யும் கொலைகள் இந்த நவீன ஆள்தூக்கி சட்டம் கண்டுகொள்ளாது.
அக்கிரம்த்திற்கான தெளிவான அழைப்பொலி அல்லவா இது?....
இவர்கள் தேசத்தை எங்கே அழைத்துச்செல்கின்றார்கள்? கையில் இருக்கும் ஆட்சியை தக்கவைக்க
முயலும் காங்கிரஸின் தவிப்பு , அத்வானியின் தலைமை அமைச்சர் பதவி கனவு, ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ். இன் ஹிந்து ராஜ்ய,அகண்ட பாரத செயல் திட்டம் என பல்முனைத்தாக்குதல்களுக்கிடையே என் அருமை தேசம் கிடந்து தத்தளிக்கிறது. இந்த பதவிப்பித்தும்,தன்னலமும் பிடித்த காங்கிரஸ், பா.ஜ.க.வின் பெயர்களில் மட்டும்தான் மாற்றமே தவிர அமைப்பிலும்,திட்டத்திலும்,அளவிலும் இரண்டுமே ஒன்றுதான். இவர்களுக்கு புரியக்கொடிய மொழி வாக்குச்சீட்டு தான்.
கட்சி மாற்றி மாற்றி வாக்களித்த நிலைகளை மாற்றி இந்த பதவி பித்தர்களை நம் பின்னே வர வைக்கும் சூத்திரம் வகுக்கப்பட வேண்டும் . இதை விட்டு விட்டு காங்கிரஸின் கையாலாகாத துரோக போக்கை எண்ணி கலங்குவதிலும் ,பாசிஸ்டுகளின் சதி திட்டங்களை கண்டு கொதிப்பதிலும் எவ்வித பொருளுமில்லை.
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ayya thankgalin katurai kanden.
melum pala tharavugalai melum ethirparkirom. anduley enna sonnar enbathai vivaramaga, thik vijay sing ex cm mp udaya petti ena melum pala tharavugalai nangal ethir parkirom. valga en thesham valarga em makkal.
nandri
Advantage BJP, All Of A Sudden
Practically written-off just a few months ago, the BJP suddenly looks a contender for power. SWAPAN DASGUPTA tracks the party’s poll strategy
Towards power? Rajnath Singh ( left) and LK Advani are leading the BJP's determined charge
Photo:Shailendra Pandey
IN NOVEMBER 2003, shortly after the BJP was exultant over its triumphs in Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and, most surprisingly, Rajasthan, the-then Deputy Prime Minister, LK Advani, admitted to me that he had unsuccessfully pressed for the Lok Sabha election to be held simultaneously with the five state assembly polls. Advani’s logic was compelling. It had then seemed that while the BJP had a very good chance of defeating Digvijay Singh in Madhya Pradesh, it looked like emerging as the runner-up in Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan and Delhi. Therefore, rather than let the Congress be on a roll after emerging victorious in three of the four assembly polls, it made greater sense to contain the damage by going in for a simultaneous general election.
Advani’s calculation at that time was to deny the Congress a possible semifinal advantage by synchronising it with the finals. He was not to know that the BJP would prevail resoundingly in the semis and then become supremely overconfident and falter at the final hurdle.
It is interesting that a broadly similar argument was proffered by many Congress strategists earlier this year. It was admitted that the BJP had the advantage in Delhi, but there was a strong belief that local anti-incumbency would weigh decisively against the incumbent in Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan. Since the BJP had won the overwhelming majority of Lok Sabha seats in these three states in 2004, the Congress could effect a double whammy and, perhaps, even ensure another term for the UPA Government.
Incumbent governments tend to be naturally risk-averse. In November 2003, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee still had a full year before Parliamentary elections were due; this year, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was anxious to secure the completion of the Indo-US nuclear agreement before testing the electoral waters. A gamble, albeit even a calculated one, didn’t appeal to those in government.
In hindsight, the Congress leadership was probably wise to avoid a blind leap of faith. After the passage of the nuclear agreement in the Nuclear Suppliers Group and his controversial victory in the confidence vote, glib commentators suggested that Singh was indeed King. Yet neither his wisdom in economics, nor any sound astrological prognosis prepared the Prime Minister and his government for the post-September global meltdown. Whereas the UPA was proudly proclaiming the benefits of double-digit growth, the grim reality was double-digit inflation, coupled with widespread economic insecurity, and the never-ending menace of terrorism. The nuclear deal, which the Congress was hoping to sell as the harbinger of a new power-surplus India, suddenly seemed too abstract and too remote for worthwhile public consumption. To compound matters, the achievements of Sonia Gandhi’s much-publicised National Rural Employment Guarantee programme left both the Congress and its NGO cheerleaders underwhelmed. Even Finance Minister P Chidambaram, hitherto the holy cow of business and the media, is being mocked for his incessant insistence that the ‘fundamentals’ of the Indian economy are intact.
THE PRECIPITATE downward slide — or at least the perception — of the government is fantastic news for the BJP as it approaches
Warhorse The BJP hopes VK Malhotra (right) will upset the Congress apple-cart in Delhi
Photo:Shailendra Pandey
the semi-final. Although the party had done well in assembly polls for the past two years — winning Bihar, Punjab, Gujarat and Karnataka — it was not able to translate this advance into a feeling that it was on the cusp of winning back power at the Centre. In political circles it had become conventional wisdom that the party had ‘peaked’ in 2004, and would suffer reverses on the strength of anti-incumbency in the three states that will poll in November and early-December. The implied conclusion was that while the Congress-led UPA was in difficulty, the BJP-led NDA was no better off. Indeed, throughout the summer there was speculation that at least two of its allies, Janata Dal (U) and Biju Janata Dal, were exploring new pastures.
Like most conjectures that originate in the know-all world of Lutyen’s Delhi, the news of the NDA’s imminent death was grossly exaggerated. Over the past month the BJP has successfully roped in the Indian National Lok Dal of Om Prakash Chauthala and the Asom Gana Parishad into its alliance; an alliance with Ajit Singh’s Rashtriya Lok Dal in western Uttar Pradesh has been settled but not signed and sealed. If the recent round of assembly elections is favourable, the likelihood of seat adjustments with Chiranjeevi and the Telengana Rashtriya Samity in Andhra Pradesh is a strong possibility. In Tamil Nadu, Jayalalithaa may not formally have a pre-election alliance because the BJP counts for little in the state. But her heart is well and truly with the NDA.
For the BJP, the stakes will be very high on December 8, the counting day. A good performance will energise its supporters and contribute to a bandwagon effect. Having already settled the leadership issue a year ago, the BJP believes that a good result, which also includes a strong showing in Jammu, will galvanise the public mood in favour of an Advani-led administration. Advani’s middle-of-theroad approach may, the party believes, also begin to find new takers among some of those who are now in the UPA.
The BJP is fortunate that it approaches the assembly polls with the leadership issue settled in all the four states. Advani has, for long, been insistent that the party approach every major election with a clear projection of the person it wants as Chief Minister. The experience of Gujarat, Bihar and Karnataka has shown that every leader of standing brings an incremental vote to the party or alliance. This is why, for example, he wanted Arun Jaitley to assume the leadership role in Delhi, because that was one place where Sheila Dikshit is in a position to offset some anti-incumbency with personal charisma. Unfortunately for him, Jaitley was disinclined and the party had to somewhat grudgingly settle for the veteran Vijay Kumar Malhotra. It is interesting that the Congress now believes that it is in a very good position to secure a third term for Dikshit. Four months ago, Delhi had been more or less written off by the ruling party.
There is no doubt that in the three other states a forthright projection of the Chief Minister holds the key to possible BJP victories. Shivraj Singh Chauhan and Raman Singh may not have a following in the chattering classes of Delhi, but private opinion polls suggest that they have an appeal that is far greater than the committed BJP support. Chauhan, who was brought in after Uma Bharti’s highstrung individualism and Babulal Gaur’s plodding approach, took time to settle in. However, in the past year, thanks to some energetic touring and a singleminded focus on development work, he has acquired the image of an accessible Chief Minister with a common touch. Chauhan, who also has the benefit of a very well-entrenched BJP organisational network, is a great favourite of the RSS for his ability to carry a team.
Bucking the trend? CM Vasundhara Raje hopes her charisma will overcome anti-incumbency
Photo:Vinita Saini
DR RAMAN SINGH, the Chhattisgarh Chief Minister, had a more uphill task. The BJP won the 2003 assembly election almost accidentally following Ajit Jogi’s cynical overkill and targeting of the charismatic Dilip Singh Judeo. Singh, who had to fill the void, has, over the years made his own mark. In terms of sheer ability, he is head and shoulders above his state party colleagues. In a style that resembles that of a genial but reassuring family physician, the understated doctor is a far cry from the hyper-energetic Chauhan. Yet, he is the polar opposite of his rival Jogi who combines dynamism with a frightening streak of ruthlessness. In a region where corruption is the norm, Singh stands out as a charming aberration. He personifies the stolid middle class values that were once the BJP’s hallmark.
It is going to be a tight race in Chhattisgarh, not least because this has been a traditional bastion of the Congress. What may tilt the outcome is the outcome in the Maoist-dominated jungles of the Bastar region. The BJP’s controversial Salwa Judum programme has become the nucleus of a popular resistance to the Maoists. Opposed fiercely by Jogi, much will depend on whether the Maoists tell their supporters to boycott the polls or quietly vote for the Congress on the ground that it is the lesser evil.
However, it is the outcome in Rajasthan that will have a long-term effect on the BJP nationally. At the time of the Gujjar agitation, there was a strong section in the party that favoured replacing Vasundhara Raje with former RSS pracharak Om Prakash Mathur, who had been imposed as state party president against her will. Vasundhara not only got out of the reservations tangle but ended up a few inches taller in the public perception. Today, the BJP’s hopes depend entirely on whether the electorate votes for its Chief Minister or elects individual MLAs. If Vasundhara succeeds in her bid to make her leadership the main issue, the BJP is home and dry. Alternatively, the Congress is hopeful of wresting the state.
In her own way, Vasundhara has elevated herself to the Narendra Modi level. Despite her princely background and somewhat imperious ways, she is not lacking in the common touch. A very good constituency MP before she became Chief Minister, she has created a network of loyalists, who are both within and outside the BJP structure. Her appeal among women in the state is phenomenal and she is careful to nurture that constituency quite assiduously. She has carefully converted attacks on her integrity into attacks on her as a woman — a theme that has struck a chord. And, like Modi, she has sought to reinvent herself as a Lone Ranger battling evil both from within her party and outside.
Vasundhara is unpopular within the BJP and RSS networks, just as Modi was in Gujarat. Yet, the entire parivar knows that she is their best and only ticket to another term in government. The question is: will the parivar eschew churlishness for the larger cause? In Gujarat, it was the pressure from below that forced the apparatchiks and pracharaks to come to terms with Modi. Vasundhara’s calculation is that the response to a robust campaign she has planned for herself will have the same effect in Rajasthan.
The BJP may be an ideological party but it is also a pragmatic party. The lofty theory of no individual being larger than the sangathan has progressively been diluted by the cold logic of electoral politics. This assembly election will be fought by the projection of the leader first and issues second in three states. In the fourth it is going to be the other way round. There is too much at stake for the BJP to abandon political flexibility.
(Dasgupta is a political commentator)
From Tehelka Magazine, Vol 5, Issue 47, Dated Nov 29, 2008
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